He’s 30, pragmatic — and possibly our most crucial First Nations chief

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The Trans Mountain pipeline runs through Chawathil traditional territory. Pete’s approach is characteristically pragmatic. “Whether I support it or not, we’ve got to get on board and reap the benefits we can.” His team is preparing through internal meetings, coordination with other First Nations, and direct engagement with pipeline companies. The goal is simple: be ready, avoid being an anchor, and ensure the work is done right the first time.

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For Pete, the biggest issue across First Nations’ communities in Canada is fairness. Too many are consumed by immediate crises. And are “just trying to tread water,” he says. They fail to see larger chances passing them by.

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“They don’t even know the gravy train has likely left the station,” he continues, meaning the federal funding and economic opportunities available in recent years. While his community has used Indigenous Services Canada funds effectively, Pete has warned these windows are time-limited and shrinking.

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And some nations, he believes, are too consumed by daily survival to seize them — or lack the governance to do so. The result: uneven outcomes, with some advancing while others fall behind. “When we look back on this in 100 years,” Pete predicts, “We’re going to say, ‘Why wasn’t there an aim towards consistency among First Nations communities?’”

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His politics are bottom-up. He reminds federal and provincial politicians their job is not to dictate solutions from afar. “It’s your job to come meet with us, ask us how we want to address these things, and then we go live out the plan that we all agree to.”

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On the heated debates in British Columbia — private property versus Aboriginal title, park access restrictions, and rising tensions — Pete is measured but firm.

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The two-tier system, he acknowledges, was created by the Indian Act and has operated “to our detriment” for generations. While he’s not in agreement with the methods being used by some First Nations communities to advance their position, he supports cultural revival and protection of sacred sites, drawing parallels to revered places around the world such as Jerusalem.

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On B.C.’s implementation of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples through DRIPA, Pete is blunter. He compares it to the carbon tax: once a policy evokes such strong emotional reactions that the mere mention of its name polarizes people, it has lost the broad legitimacy needed to succeed. “You have to scrap it,” he argues. “Because we all have to be on board with policy in order for it to work.”

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He urges politicians to revive genuine town halls and listen directly to band members, not just Indigenous leaders or lobbying organizations. He has reminded Premier David Eby that his duty is to all citizens of the province.

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“Of course, I want what’s best for First Nations people, I’m a First Nations chief. But your duty, when you take office, is to citizens, and when they see you walk away from any amendments to DRIPA from the outset, in order to address the concerns of a small few First Nations, that creates division where citizens no longer feel reflected in their government’s leadership and it’s inherently divisive.”

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“It feels like we’re playing games with reconciliation, where we really did have a mandate from the public.”

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The recent announcement by Alberta’s Tsuut’ina Nation — adding nearly 1,000 hectares of private land to their reserve, for a major residential development in partnership with the homebuilder Qualico — prompted a telling reveal. Pete notes that while Chawathil is also pursuing smaller additions to reserve, he has reservations about this concept.