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“Just let people do their own thing,” he shrugs, “because you’re not gonna be able to control it.” When someone truly crosses a line, renounce and distance yourself. And, he adds, anti-collusion rules further force the various campaigns to operate in silos.
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He is equally sanguine about voter turnout predictions. The Oct. 19 vote is a standalone referendum on a Monday, a week after the Thanksgiving long weekend. Content voters, he believes, will stay home.
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Contentment breeds apathy; economic frustration will do the opposite. Between now and Oct. 19, he expects Ottawa’s “economic mismanagement” and “ideological obsession” to keep the affordability crisis front of mind and to drive pro-independence voters to the polls.
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That economic argument has taken on new colour this week. Even as Canada and the United States’ late push to finalize a trade agreement was collapsing — triggering a new round of steep U.S. tariffs— Wilson had already reframed the negotiations around Alberta’s contribution.
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“Alberta’s energy produced Canada’s bargaining power,” he posted mid-week. President Donald Trump had publicly hinted the long-cancelled Keystone XL pipeline “may be awoken from the grave” as part of the talks, a signal Wilson reads as further evidence of his core claim: Ottawa’s leverage in these negotiations is drawn heavily from Alberta’s resources.
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He rejects any notion of trading “one master in Ottawa for a new master in Washington.” Alberta, he insists, possesses the resources, skilled workforce, entrepreneurial culture and negotiating power — including with a British Columbia that would become continentally landlocked — to stand alone as a sovereign country.
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“I think the weakness is Canada, not Alberta,” he asserts, “vis-a-vis the United States.”
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He bullishly predicts a majority for Option 2 and is equally clear that no result will cause him to abandon the cause. “If we do not achieve it this time, then the case will continue to be made and Albertans will have another opportunity to decide in the future.”
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I remain unconvinced that pro-secession voters will secure a majority this fall. What is most striking, and unnerving, is the pervasive sense of inevitability in Wilson’s tone.
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He frames the current moment as the natural evolution of Alberta politics — the same fracturing of the conservative side of the spectrum that produced successive long-running dynasties (the United Farmers of Alberta, Social Credit, the Progressive Conservatives) and is now generating a period of upheaval.
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Demographics have shifted: rural population share has declined while urban centres have grown, creating what he calls a “dangerous political chess board” for Premier Danielle Smith. The greater risk, in his assessment, is not that Smith is removed as UCP leader, but that the party finds itself reduced to a minority or pushed into opposition by October 2027.
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“If the premier ignores or provokes the independence supporters within her party, they’re not going away,” he warns. Those voters will leave for an existing right-wing alternative or a newly formed one, splitting the conservative vote and raising the real possibility of another NDP government — a repeat of the Wildrose-Progressive Conservative fracture that delivered Rachel Notley’s victory.
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Wilson believes Alberta can do better outside Confederation. I continue to believe the country we already have is worth defending. The conversation between those two convictions will be tested, in concrete and consequential terms, on Oct. 19.
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