Bryan Brulotte: The West’s adversaries don’t think like us. The sooner we get it, the better

An Iranian pilgrim carrying a flag with a portrait of Iran's slain supreme leader Ali Khamenei, walks toward Karbala to participate in the Arbaeen pilgrimage after crossing through the Iraq-Iran border at Zurbatiyah, south of Baghdad on July 29, 2026. Photo by AHMAD AL-RUBAYE / AFP via Getty Images

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Five months after the latest war with Iran began, it is becoming apparent that this conflict is about far more than missiles, sanctions or oil tankers. It is exposing a deeper truth about modern warfare: democratic nations often struggle to understand the strategic culture of authoritarian regimes.

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Western governments have long assumed that economic hardship eventually forces political compromise. That assumption has shaped decades of sanctions policy against Iran. Yet history repeatedly demonstrates that revolutionary regimes frequently value ideological survival over economic prosperity. They are often willing to impose extraordinary hardship on their own populations if doing so preserves their hold on power.

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Iran is proving that lesson once again. The country’s economy has suffered severe damage. Oil exports have been constrained, inflation has accelerated, and Iran’s official currency, the rial, has lost much of its value. Ordinary Iranians are bearing the cost through rising prices, declining purchasing power and growing economic uncertainty. Yet despite these pressures, Tehran continues to prosecute the war with determination.

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The conflict has also reminded the world why stability in the Persian Gulf matters. The Strait of Hormuz used to carry approximately 20 million barrels of oil every day, representing roughly 20 per cent of global oil and liquefied natural gas. Even the threat of disrupting that vital artery has sent shockwaves through international energy markets and global supply chains.

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This should not surprise us. The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps was never designed to maximize economic growth or improve living standards. Its purpose is to preserve the Islamic Republic and defend the revolutionary ideology on which it was founded. As long as that objective remains intact, economic suffering alone is unlikely to change its strategic calculations.

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This distinction is critical because successful military strategy begins with identifying an adversary’s true centre of gravity. Carl von Clausewitz, the famed 19th-century Prussian military theorist, described this as the source of an opponent’s strength and cohesion. Too often, western governments mistake economic infrastructure for political will. They assume that enough financial pain will eventually produce political moderation. Sometimes it does. Often it does not.

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History offers numerous examples of authoritarian governments enduring extraordinary economic deprivation while maintaining political control. National resolve, ideological conviction and coercive state institutions can sustain a regime long after outside observers believe collapse is inevitable.

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The broader lesson extends well beyond Iran. Russia has demonstrated a similar capacity to absorb sanctions while continuing its war in Ukraine. China, meanwhile, has spent decades preparing its economy, industrial base and political institutions for prolonged strategic competition with the West. These governments understand that modern conflict is not simply a contest of military power. It is equally a contest of endurance, industrial capacity and political will. That reality has been reflected in financial markets, where Brent crude briefly climbed above US$100 (C$140) per barrel as investors priced in the risk of prolonged disruption to Middle Eastern energy supplies.