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As a former mayor of Huntsville, he had no time for NIMBYism and his leadership campaign proposed tying municipal funding to building more homes.
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His departure is more significant than merely the loss of an able, fair-minded MP.
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Rather, it is indicative of a Conservative party whose reach is ebbing.
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Moreover, it suggests the 2025 election result was a high-water bulge and that support levels are likely to continue dropping steadily.
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In 2000, the Canadian Alliance scored a breakthrough of sorts, electing 66 MPs, including two in Ontario, with the backing of one-quarter of the electorate. Prior to that election, the Alliance and its predecessor, Reform, were considered western protest parties. That election result provided a base from which to grow. Within two years, Stephen Harper had defeated Stockwell Day to become leader and within three, the right had united to form the modern Conservative party.
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Harper’s greatest achievement was building a national coalition that not only won and retained power in 2006, 2008 and 2011 but proved robust enough to endure defeat.
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In his book, Harper’s Team, former Conservative campaign organizer Tom Flanagan said Conservatives had never really recovered from the death of Sir John A. Macdonald in 1891 because no leader had been able to hold together a durable coalition. Robert Borden, R. B. Bennett, John Diefenbaker and Brian Mulroney had recorded temporary successes, but all ended not just in defeat but in disaster, Flanagan wrote, leaving the party worse off than it was before.
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Harper, by contrast, left a party with 99 MPs and money in the bank in 2015. “It was sad but not tragic,” in the words of one former cabinet minister.
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Writing in 2007, Flanagan urged that his party follow “10 Commandments” to cement the Conservatives as Canada’s natural governing party.
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They included unity among the different strands of conservatism; moderation; inclusion; and the ability to learn from experience.
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Conservatives lose if the others line up together, Flanagan said. “We must avoid being painted as the Great Satan of Canadian politics, as happened with the Reform Party and Canadian Alliance.”
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If Conservatives are perceived as a threat to civilization by fearful moderates or left-wing voters, those people are likely to vote Liberal, he said.
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“We can’t win if we veer too far to the right of the median voter.”
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Poilievre appears to have forgotten or abandoned those prescriptions as he leads the party back to Canadian Alliance levels of support.
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This week’s Nanos opinion poll rated Liberal support in Ontario at nearly 60 per cent, with the Conservatives at around half that level. Not many of the party’s 50 MPs would survive that kind of electoral tidal wave.
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The problem is not local to the Conservative party.
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Canadian democracy is not well served by having one party or leader as dominant, as will become the case if the Conservatives do not arrest their decline.
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“History proves that freedom always dies when criticism ends,” Diefenbaker once said. “The Opposition must … find fault, suggest amendments, ask questions and elicit information, arouse, educate and mold public opinion by voice and vote.”
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Even after Aitchison’s departure, the Conservatives will have able men and women capable of doing these things. But the party is sorely lacking the leadership needed to make a convincing case that it should be returned to power.
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