JASON CHAFFETZ: Congress, stop protecting scandal-plagued lawmakers and clean house for good

A bumper crop of ethics allegations in the current 119th Congress is contributing to record-low approval numbers for Congress this cycle. Already, three members of Congress have resigned this term — some waiting months after credible allegations surfaced. More need to go.

Anytime you get 535 people together, somebody is going to be doing something stupid somewhere. But the public deserves faster, bolder action when their representatives behave badly. Delayed action undermines public trust. Though every American is owed due process, with elected officials in Congress, it must happen faster.

The public should not have to wait out a scandal-plagued lame-duck term. Congress must act with greater urgency when trust is broken. Voters deserve swift special elections in which they can directly choose a replacement.

Delayed action only fuels the perception that government is rigged and unresponsive. Approval ratings for Congress are in the basement, with Gallup’s April polling finding that just 10% approve while 86% disapprove. This is a direct threat to congressional legitimacy. Accountability must be real, not performative.

RESIGNATION IS THE NEW ESCAPE HATCH AS LAWMAKERS FACE EXPULSION

Already, three House members have resigned — Rep. Eric Swalwell, D-Calif., Rep. Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick, D-Fla., and Rep. Tony Gonzales, R-Texas — but those resignations only came after intense public pressure, not through the routine process. Several more representatives continue to serve under a cloud of credible allegations.

In the case of Cherfilus-McCormick, voters were effectively disenfranchised for five months after their representative was indicted on fraud charges. Initial referrals date back even further. Meanwhile, she retained her full voting power, committee assignments, salary, staff, and benefits. A presumptive expulsion should follow a federal indictment. Instead, we got delays for political leverage.

The problem is not going away. With $7 trillion going out the door each year, Congress is a magnet for people who may be easily compromised by power. Furthermore, Capitol Hill is crawling with staffers in their 20s who are young, talented, and hungry. Some can be easily taken advantage of in an uneven power dynamic.

When I was first elected to the House of Representatives, I really thought we all wanted the same thing, but just had different ways of getting there. I left realizing this is truly a fight between good and evil, playing out under the hot lights of Congress.

When I was first elected to the House of Representatives, I really thought we all wanted the same thing, but just had different ways of getting there. I left realizing this is truly a fight between good and evil, playing out under the hot lights of Congress.

I observed that about a third of the representatives in Congress really are there to do the right thing. They wake up every day looking for ways to solve problems. Another third are phoning it in — harmless, but ineffective. But the last group, in my opinion, is there to line its own pockets or serve someone other than its constituents.

I appreciate the work of the bipartisan House Ethics Committee, which has its hands full. With an equal number of Democrats and Republicans, the committee is less driven by partisanship than other committees.

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However, because the balance of power is so tight, part of what’s making these forced resignations possible is the even number of violators from each party. The process is not entirely driven by justice. It’s still about political power.

Congress needs to adopt faster processes to act as a deterrent. Clear triggers — such as automatic Ethics Subcommittee review within 30 days of an Office of Congressional Conduct referral or federal indictment — could coexist with due process.

Presumptive suspension from committee assignments or floor votes on major matters would protect institutional integrity without presuming guilt. Special elections could follow more quickly, empowering voters rather than insulating incumbents.

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Elected officials hold power in trust, not as a personal right. The Constitution explicitly grants each chamber authority to discipline its members, including expulsion. There is no requirement for glacial timelines.

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Certainly, representatives are innocent until proven guilty. But public office is no courtroom. Voters still have a right to timely, functional representation. Prolonged service does not so much protect the innocent as shield the politically connected.

The American people fund this government and grant its power. We should not have to beg for basic integrity, especially from those who have sworn an oath to uphold it.

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Congress must choose: cling to slow-motion self-protection or deliver the swift, credible accountability voters have every right to demand.

The health of our republic depends on making the right choice.

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