Geoff Russ: Liberal excuses for their unpopularity fall as flat as their poll numbers

Returning to reality requires accepting that Trudeau’s charisma and surname will not mask his legacy of failure

Published Jan 02, 2025  •  Last updated 0 minutes ago  •  4 minute read

Prime Minister Justin Trudeau speaks with members of his caucus, in Ottawa on Dec. 16. Photo by Spencer Colby/The Canadian Press

Nothing is guaranteed in politics, but for the Conservatives, the road back to power appears nearly complete. And it’s not due to a general anti-incumbency trend or voter fatigue, as some Liberal backers and apologists have suggested, to explain away their government’s failures and the resulting enmity felt towards their leader.

For mentally stubborn Liberals, returning to reality requires accepting that Trudeau’s charisma and surname will not mask his legacy of failure.

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Liberals sometimes point to his government’s COVID-19 approach as proof of its competence. Yet when compared to peer countries like Australia, Italy and others, Canada’s record was nothing special.

A special sort of sad insularity is required to believe the Liberals did a standout job during the pandemic. It will not be remembered like the previous Conservative government’s adroit handling of the Great Recession under Prime Minister Stephen Harper.

But at least the pandemic gave the Liberals a sort of north star. With the pandemic now in the rear-view mirror, they are guided by nothing except an instinct to hold onto power.

Nothing exemplified this more perfectly than the pointless 2021 election, in which Trudeau wedged hard on vaccine mandates to divide the electorate and eke out a victory, falling short of the majority government he so desperately sought.

Out of that hollow victory came the fall of then-Tory leader Erin O’Toole and the ascendancy of Pierre Poilievre, who won the leadership contest with a first-ballot victory.

Since then, the Conservatives have undeniably led the way on a number of issues, with housing being the most salient. Before Poilievre seized on the issue, the Liberals were content to appease “mom and pop” real estate investors.

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If one factor outside Poilievre’s control contributed to his party’s popularity, it’s immigration, and Trudeau, along with his inept immigration ministers, made that happen. Together, they irresponsibly flung the doors open to mass immigration in a bid to cover up the sorry state of the economy.

The Liberals stuffed Canada with international students and temporary foreign workers so they could claim that GDP was rising, which is akin to serving someone bowl after bowl of popcorn and insisting they are well fed.

Commodities underpin Canada’s economy, and while subject to ongoing dips and rises, their prices have recovered from the pandemic in a way that the Canadian economy has not. And that is a direct result of choices made during this Liberal decade.

The Trans Mountain Pipeline expansion did more to lower domestic gas prices, diversify our export markets, and grow the economy than any other large-scale project completed since the Liberals came to power in 2015, and it is the only natural resource project of note that has come online in the Trudeau era.

Beyond that, the Liberals have been hostile to the energy industry, cancelling projects and subjecting it to higher emissions standards than other sectors.

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Now, after more than three tortured years of stagnation, decline and misery following the 2021 election, the reins of power are poised to pass to a replacement with a mandate to take a hammer to Trudeau’s legacy — a legacy of malaise, misery and malpractice that Canadians are unlikely to begrudge the Conservatives for erasing.

With all this in mind, the excuses for the impending fall of the Trudeau Liberals, like a supposed anti-incumbency backlash, ring deafeningly hollow. In the four provincial elections over the past year, just one resulted in a change of government.

As for international comparisons, it is tempting to compare the situation of Trudeau’s Liberals to that of the British Tories, who were despised by voters in the United Kingdom prior to being tossed from government in the July election. However, the comparisons largely stop there.

Suggestions that a Conservative government in Canada will suffer the same fate as the rookie Labour government, which become the least popular government in decades in under six months, should be taken with a grain of salt.

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British Prime Minister Keir Starmer never served in government prior to 2024, while Poilievre’s time in Opposition is still shorter than his time in government. Should the Conservatives win a majority, they will be one of the most experienced right-of-centre governments in modern Canadian history, and this appeal to voters should not be understated.

What Poilievre offers is hope for a better Canada. More importantly, Poilievre is a strong leader, with the experience and know-how to lead Canada out of this miserable time.

As for Trudeau, he became prime minister in the comparatively easy times of 2015, offering easy solutions to a comfortable electorate. Trudeau was never meant to govern in times such as these — and it has shown.

In the likely event that Trudeau steps down, his successor will have the inglorious task of navigating the final hours of this Liberal government. There is little else that Trudeau can bequeath to his replacement.

National Post

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